Tag Archives: Politics

“We Cannot Protect People From It,” Says Mayor Freda on ICE 

By Grace S.

On June 30, Princeton Mayor Mark Freda attended a press conference with the Princeton Summer Journal, where he discussed recent United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) activity in the small New Jersey town. 

“Our police do not work with ICE. We do not support ICE in immigration matters in any way, shape, or form,” he said, expressing his dislike for the federal organization.

“It seems to me that ICE is concentrating on anybody that appears to be Latino. That is their A-number-one target, and so that’s problematic,” Freda said. Of the 15 people taken, he said he was “90-some-percent” sure that at least one had work authorization. “They’re going to work,” he said. “None of them are criminals.” 

Freda went on to discuss what his administration is doing to aid the detainees. One option is for the town to support the proposed New Jersey Immigrant Trust Act, which would protect immigrants and their personal information. The act has faced both pushback and support. 

“The Immigration Trust Act is something the state legislature will hopefully act on at some point,” Freda said. “People are concerned that if we pass the resolution in support of the act, that somehow, ICE and others will pay more attention to Princeton.” 

Freda faced pressure surrounding the legislation at a recent town council meeting. “We had probably about 60 or 70 people show up and were giving us a really hard time,” he said. Freda maintained that the act is a state matter and he is still undecided if he will support it. 

Despite immigration issues being out of his hands on a federal level, Freda still wants to support his constituents, as hard as that may be. 

“Why are we bothering these people? We cannot protect people from it. We just can’t,” he said. “It doesn’t matter. What resolution we pass doesn’t matter. We can’t. Until [things change] at the federal level, all we can do is offer help.”

Princeton Mayor Mark Freda Addresses ICE Raids, Public Discord, and the Fight for Trust

By Jayden W.

Princeton Mayor Mark Freda has officiated weddings, shaken hands at hundreds of community events, and spent decades fighting fires for his hometown, but these past few months have proven some of the most difficult of his career. Not a blaze in a building, but a firestorm of public outcry.

The mayor, who joined Princeton’s volunteer fire department at just 15 years old, grew up in a Catholic household rooted in community service. That foundation shaped him into a leader who takes pride in public service, but the present political climate has tested even his strongest foundational principles.

At last week’s town council meeting, nearly 70 attendees packed the room, demanding answers after a disturbing encounter between community members and the United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

According to Freda, ICE agents stopped a van carrying 15 people to work. The organization was reportedly looking for one individual, but detained everyone onboard, regardless of legal status or criminal history.

“It seems to me that ICE is concentrating on anybody that appears to be Latino,” Freda told the Princeton Summer Journal. He said he was “90-some-percent” sure that at least one person arrested had work authorization. “None of them are criminals,” he said. 

Freda noted that many who attended the council meeting were not Princetonians, but outsiders who were not focused on useful outcomes. “They were more concerned with how they were going to look on those film clips,” Freda said.

At the heart of the debate is the New Jersey Immigrant Trust Act, a proposed law to protect undocumented residents from deportation by restricting cooperation between local law enforcement and ICE. The Princeton town council is considering a resolution to support the act.

“People are concerned that if we pass the resolution, ICE and others will pay more attention to Princeton,” Freda said. “I don’t know if that’s actually true.”

The New Jersey State Legislature has the final call. Despite this tension, Freda remains steadfast in his love for the community that raised him.

“I’ve been here forever,” Freda said. He went on to share that what he wants is for his critics to say: “That guy was okay. I didn’t agree with him all the time, but you know what? He was okay.”

For Freda, the goal isn’t perfection, it’s presence. In a town that often demands both, “okay” might just be the most human standard of all.

The Challenges and Resolve of Undocumented Students

By Gabriela Q.

Gabriela once imagined what it was like to grow up American. Not, of course, in the sense of the picturesque Fourth of Julys, but through living out what she saw on TV: brightly colored lockers and roaring crowds at basketball games, reminiscent of High School Musical.

She quickly learned that this was only a dream. 

For Gabriela, a rising junior at a liberal arts college in Oregon who has chosen to withhold her last name for personal reasons, moving to the United States came with reminders of home. 

“I came to a Latino neighborhood that was very ghetto—there’s a lot of crime, and I thought it felt a little bit like home. I saw people from my country,” she says. 

Maryland, despite its inclusivity, did not feel like home. Back in Guatemala, being a kid felt simple.

“I used to play on the dirt without shoes on the rocks,” she says. When they played soccer, “we used to mark the goals with rocks and sticks,” she says. 

After being told that her family would move to a different country at 13 years old, she left everything she had ever known behind. Her experience isn’t an outlier — it speaks to the challenges undocumented students face in finding community and accessing necessary resources.

Gabriela didn’t enroll in school for over a year upon arriving in the U.S. When she did, she realized there was a blossoming Spanish-speaking community, but she still felt behind. Her English Language Learning (ELL) classes were meant to teach her English, but were taught at a slower pace than most of the other classes at her school. 

A.H., a rising junior at the City University of New York, faced a very different challenge after arriving in the U.S. at 16 years old. In Bangladesh, she was taught to speak English at a very high level in school. But after arriving in the U.S., she felt that because she was undocumented, she was expected to know little to no English. “People would say ‘Oh, your English is so good,’” A.H. says. “It’s a microaggression.”

On the other hand, speaking Bangla, her mother tongue, also led to judgment. “There was a lot of stigma in speaking your second language at high school. It seemed like you were fresh off the boat,” she says. 

A.H., who used a pseudonym for personal reasons, arrived in the U.S. at 16. Unlike Gabriela, she came without her parents. She was accompanied only by her siblings in 2020, two months before the pandemic.

She explains that her brother and sister struggled to make ends meet after they got laid off from their jobs. Due to their immigration status, they weren’t able to access the unemployment benefits that 1 out of every 4 workers in the U.S. took advantage of during the pandemic. 

A.H. and her family weren’t alone. Over 50 percent of the city’s immigrants were unemployed during the pandemic.

Exclusion from resources isn’t rare for undocumented students and families. As states start to revoke in-state tuition waivers meant for undocumented students to cut college costs, many are faced with hurdles to enroll in two- and four-year higher education institutions. 

When Gabriela and A.H. began to apply for college, they faced challenges. For Gabriela, studying for standardized exams made her feel behind in the process. 

“Many exams, like the SAT, were hard to read. I remember that we were asking for extra hours,” she says. “We needed more time.” 

Although A.H. was able to receive a full ride through her honors college, she was unable to apply for internships and work-study programs. Instead, she relied on outside opportunities and wished throughout the process that there were more grassroots support initiatives.

“There is a lack of understanding of how faculty can support students,” she says. “I’m tired of therapy circles; I need actual organizing efforts.”

But what does the American Dream mean if not the opportunity to create a new reality?

For A.H., this came as an opportunity to join local organizing initiatives in New York City, including Desis Rising Up and Moving, a social justice movement centered around providing an outlet for change for South Asian immigrant youth, starting in her junior year of high school. DRUM Beats, the organization’s sister program, was one of various grassroots initiatives leading Zohran Mamdani’s campaign for the city’s democratic mayoral nominee. 

Although Gabriela grew up wanting to be a surgeon, she settled on becoming a social worker after being inspired by her own experiences as an immigrant, feeling that stories like hers can be forgotten.

“When you don’t have any legal records or any case open, you could be gone and nobody would know you existed,” she says. “That’s my fear.” 

Gabriela’s future may not reflect the imagination of her teenage self, but it embraces the identity she has built along the way and the stories of younger generations of undocumented students.

“I know that I have the potential to help people, I have always helped people, and I want to work with them,” she says. “I know that I [can] be an inspiration to other students.”

How Undocumented Students Experience College

By Tahia F.

The Trump administration’s crackdown on illegal immigration affects millions of immigrants, including the 408,000 undocumented students at American colleges and universities. A.H., who requested to be anonymous, is a student at City University of New York, and Gabriela, who attends a university in Oregon, are just two of the many undocumented students who share this struggle. Their experiences paint a bigger picture about the association between immigration status and education in the United States.

Gabriela’s family uprooted themselves from Guatemala and moved to a majority-Hispanic neighborhood in Maryland when she was 13. She missed the leisure of playing soccer outside without fear of deportation. “I loved going next door and sitting there for hours until my mom picked me up, or playing with the kids in the neighborhood,” Gabriela says of her hometown in Guatemala. “I used to play on the dirt without shoes on. The football balls were made out of plastic, just plastic with air.” 

In Maryland, she was surrounded by Spanish speakers, but having no prior English education, she was placed in specialized classes for English language learners.

The language barrier was just one of many obstacles in her path. But with the odds against her, Gabriela knew her dream was to help people in any way possible. This dream led her to take an interest in becoming a surgeon, however she ultimately decided against it. “You cannot ask for loans, you cannot ask for aid,” Gabriela said. “Most of the scholarships require status.” Ultimately, she was forced to reshape her dream, which led to her newfound interest in social work. 

On the other side of the country resides A.H, a biochemistry major from Bangladesh. A.H. came to the U.S. unexpectedly five years ago with her two older siblings, leaving their parents behind. She planned to apply for asylum but that turned out not to be possible. “I was told I would be documented,” she says, “but that wasn’t the case.” 

Similar to Gabriela, A.H. didn’t experience much cultural shock after moving to the U.S. The bustling city of New York reminded her a lot of her home in Dhaka. Her fluency in English and the rigorous education she received in Bangladesh’s school system helped her thrive in U.S. schools.

While both A.H. and Gabriela are striving to achieve their goals, they remain uncertain about their futures. Things for each of these students — financial stability, physical safety, job security — can change in an instant.

“Every year when I have to do the FAFSA it is scary,” Gabriela says, referring to the inconsistency of financial aid. “Okay, if this is the amount I have to pay then I am not continuing my education.”

A.H. agreed. “It’s kind of hard for me to envision a job job because I’m undocumented,” she says.

A.H., who is able to attend college with the support of a generous scholarship, hasn’t been deterred from pursuing her initial career choice: becoming a professor. It is more than just a personal goal. “The reason that we don’t feel seen is the reason that we try,” she says. “Where is a Bengali career woman? I think a lack of representation is a motivator for me.”

A.H. shows this dedication by volunteering with various political movements, including Desis Rising Up and Moving, one of the first groups to support New York City Democratic mayoral nominee Zohran Mamdani. 

Gabriela, too, expressed a desire to help others. “I know that I have the potential to help people, I have always helped people and I want to work with them. I know that I could be an inspiration to the students,” she says. “I have that mentality that other people are looking up to me.”

Both students dedicate their time to support others in spite of the lack of support they receive themselves.  “There’s no guarantee,” A.H. says. “If ICE shows up on campus, there could be a collateral arrest.”

The constant threat of deportation and loss of financial resources has taken a toll on both Gabriela’s and A.H.’s mental health.

“I don’t get any mental health resources or [support from my class],” Gabriela says. “When the presidential election was going on, it was a time when I really needed support. There were no ways for me to stay on campus.”

A.H. expressed similar concerns. “There is a lack of understanding on how faculty can support students. I’m tired of therapy circles, I need actual organizing efforts,” she says.

Despite the hurdles, Gabriela and A.H exemplify the courage, perseverance, and resilience it takes for undocumented students to succeed. Undocumented people are more than just statistics. By continuing to pursue their dreams in a system that works against them, they challenge narratives that reduce them to numbers.

Gabriela and A.H. are just one part of a larger story, as undocumented students continue to rise above intolerant policies to keep learning and accomplishing their dreams.

The Stonewall Monument Is Falling—and Trump Pushed It

By Norman S.

During the month of June, protest signs bounce up and down.
“Trans Rights Are Human Rights,” one of them reads.
Parades light up streets all across the United States.

Now flash forward five years: That same sign is blacklisted. Celebrating anything that strays from the “norm” is criminalized.

Sound scary? That’s the path we’re currently on.

The Stonewall National Monument—located at the site of a New York City bar—is dedicated to the uprising that sparked the LGBTQ+ rights movement in the 1960s. Before Donald Trump’s second term, the official government website for the site openly described this history using terms like “lesbian,” “gay,” “bisexual,” and “transgender.”

Today, “bisexual” and “transgender” have been removed.

The Republican Party has increasingly framed the LGBTQ+ community—especially trans people—as predators targeting children and women. This harmful narrative is being used to justify systemic rollbacks. And the quiet deletion of LGBTQ+ labels from government platforms is just the beginning.

There is precedent for this. After the attack on Pearl Harbor, anti-Japanese xenophobia surged. President Franklin D. Roosevelt responded with Executive Order 9066, creating military zones on the West Coast and forcibly relocating Japanese Americans to internment camps under inhumane conditions.

The parallels to today’s political moment are hard to ignore.

Trump and other conservative leaders regularly label LGBTQ+ identities as threats, using slurs and dehumanizing language—words like “mutilation,” “trap,” and “she-male.”

If this framing continues unchallenged, displacement or even criminalization may follow.

Removing terms like “transgender” and “bisexual” from government websites is not just erasure—it’s a warning.

If these dominoes fall, the gay and lesbian communities could be next.
And after that, all of our personal freedoms may be on the line.

Even MAGA Wants the Truth: Trump’s Broken Promise on the Epstein Files

By Selah D.

Trump promised to release the Epstein files if elected—but now, he’s refusing to follow through.

Liberals and MAGA supporters seem to disagree on almost everything, but when it comes to the Epstein files, they’ve found rare common ground. While many Americans see wrongdoing and injustice in the Trump administration, it’s uncommon for Trump’s own right-wing base to feel the same.

That’s what makes this different. The Epstein files are one of the few issues causing noticeable disillusionment among his most loyal supporters.

But the Epstein files are just one of many examples where Trump and his administration have contradicted themselves or been caught in lies.

What’s revolutionary about this moment is that even his own party is upset. The backlash from the right may mark a turning point in how much trust President Trump still has—even within his base.

In an interview with Fox News, Trump was asked directly whether he would declassify the Epstein files. He responded:

“Yeah, yeah, I would.”

This wasn’t the only time he made the promise. He also brought it up on a podcast with Lex Fridman and during a radio show with Will Cain. On the latter, he said:

“It’d be interesting to find out what happened there.”

But two weeks ago, when asked by reporters about the Epstein case, Trump backtracked completely:

“I don’t understand why the Jeffrey Epstein case would be of interest to anybody.”

Why did he suddenly change his mind? Did he ever mean it in the first place—or was it just another campaign ploy to gain support?

These are the questions that explain why even his supporters are starting to lose trust.

Trump is a liar—and always has been.

From Candidate to Target: How MAGA’s Attacks on Zohran Mamdani Reveal Their True Ideology

By Rania S.

How did Zohran Mamdani go from little-known state lawmaker to MAGA’s public enemy #1?

Since the beginning of the young mayoral candidate’s campaign, he’s faced a wave of attacks not only from challengers in the New York City race but also from national political figures. Even Donald Trump weighed in, calling Mamdani a “communist lunatic.”

Since launching his campaign in late 2024, Mamdani has taken the country by storm, sparking mass online support—and just as much outrage. At first, backlash focused on his self-identification as a democratic socialist. Socialism is an ideology unfamiliar to many Americans, which leaves room for fear. And because Mamdani is vying to run the largest city in the country, that label hasn’t been taken lightly.

But the hate directed at Mamdani is no longer just about his leftist politics—it’s now about his faith.

Conservative online personality Charlie Kirk has been one of Mamdani’s loudest critics. More recently, however, the focus of Kirk’s attacks has shifted. On June 24, Kirk tweeted:

“24 years ago a group of Muslims killed 2,753 people on 9/11. Now a Muslim socialist is on pace to run New York City.”

The xenophobia only escalates from there. Tennessee Congressman Andy Ogles even suggested deporting Mamdani—despite the fact that he is a U.S. citizen.

Compare this to Bernie Sanders, also a democratic socialist, who launched his first presidential campaign in 2015. Though Sanders faced widespread backlash, it was never as hateful or personal as the pure venom Mamdani is receiving in a local race.

This shocking animosity reveals something deeper: Islamophobia is back on the rise—and stronger than ever.

When corruption is rampant and conflict ever-present, the Republican Party has once again chosen to weaponize fear of the unknown. Just as they did during Trump’s presidency, they’re using Islamophobia to divide Americans—only now, the target is even more localized.

More Than a Tan Suit: How Racism Shapes Presidential Respectability

By Diego G.

Evil comes in many forms: the removal of healthcare from vulnerable Americans, the erasure of marginalized and oppressed peoples, or—worst of all—a tan suit.

No matter the issue, few things stick out more to the American public than the face behind it.

August 28, 2014, was pivotal for this reason. During the then-age of flower crowns and UGG boots, a tan suit worn by President Obama was deemed a national offense. Ironically, that fashion “crisis” somehow overshadowed Obama’s actual press conference about military plans in Syria. Whether it was deemed “unpresidential” or just “inappropriate,” America collectively decided: we’ll talk about ISIS later.

The ecru suit—typically worn in warmer, semiformal settings—seemed to symbolize another unspoken taboo in American politics: non-whiteness, something that many may have subconsciously linked to being “unprofessional.” If it were truly about the suit, why didn’t Donald Trump’s navy blue attire at Pope Francis’s funeral draw similar outrage?

But it didn’t—just like the current administration’s bizarre AI-generated TikToks portraying Trump as a golden idol or Obama being arrested didn’t either.

Since then, Donald Trump has refused to lower the flag after Senator John McCain’s death, and built a reputation around erratic tweets and a shocking digital footprint. He’s become less a symbol of professionalism and more of a reality TV character. Yet, somehow, Obama’s tan suit lasted longer in the public imagination than many of Trump’s actual political scandals.

That begs the question: What makes a Black man presidential—if someone like Trump can act like an estranged Kardashian and still merit the title?

This isn’t to say Obama’s presidency was without controversy. But unlike international arms deals or scandals, the most iconic media frenzy of his term was…the color of his suit.

Systemic racism doesn’t always announce itself loudly. It hides in plain sight—beneath standards, between expectations, and along the blurred lines of who is deemed “professional” and who is not.

Yes, Black Americans are often told they must work twice as hard to be treated equally. But two times zero is still zero. Without respect, privilege stays intact. And suits are still expected to be black.

This Is Not a Genocide Olympics: A Ukrainian’s Call for Global Solidarity

By Kate S.

As a Ukrainian, scrolling on social media and seeing users debate the war in my home country has been a pain and a struggle. The eyes of the world are on two most important conflicts, leading to a mass of disagreements between the countries: Should Ukraine or Palestine get more attention?

The history and reason behind the current events in Palestine and Ukraine are different, but one thing is certain: Both sides deserve support in equal measure, and bringing attention to a specific issue does not require eliminating the other.

Ukrainians and Palestinians suffer from constant attacks, the inability to get food, water, and medicine, people sleeping under bombs, not knowing when the opponent is going to strike. Lost hopes, lost lives that will be forever remembered, and children whose future has been violently taken. The pictures of destroyed cities make it hard to distinguish whether it’s the remains of Ukrainian land or completely ruined Palestinian homes where life was once thriving.

Seeing the pictures of destroyed Gaza and Mariupol, starving kids in Palestine, and bombed hospitals in Ukraine seems like a nightmare that you can’t wake up from. But what do people say lying in the warm beds with food on the table? “Ukraine gets too much attention,” or “the Palestinian issue is not that important.” Arguing who deserves more support and bringing race into comparisons divides the world instead of focusing on how to help civilians suffering in both countries. A TikTok influencer and reporter from Ukraine said, “This is not a genocide Olympics.” This is an issue that we let thrive in the middle of Europe and the Middle East after experiencing the most horrific wars and conflicts in the past. 


While governments stay neutral and justify the war crimes in Gaza, people from the active war zones understand the struggle and support each other. More than 300 Ukrainian activists, artists, and scholars submitted an open letter to support their solidarity with Palestinians, stating that civilians understand the pain while witnessing Israel targeting infrastructure and people in Gaza. If people who are suffering can stand for and support each other in the most difficult and horrific times, why can’t we?

Silence about 3.5 million deaths

By Arsen S.

“This was the first genocide that was methodically planned out and perpetrated by depriving the very people who were producers of food of their nourishment,” said Andrea Graziosi, a professor at the University of Naplesi. He was talking about the Holodomor, which is one of the largest genocides in the world, yet most people have never heard of it.

From 1932 to 1933, the Soviet Union engineered a famine in Ukraine, killing about 3.9 million people. It was not a natural disaster. It was an act of brutality by a government trying to crush resistance to collectivization, the consolidation of land and labor into state-owned farms. Joseph Stalin’s regime imposed incredibly high grain quotas, confiscated food from homes, and prevented people from fleeing famine-stricken areas. He starved Ukrainians until they submitted.

As a Ukrainian immigrant, I feel deeply about the silence surrounding the Holodomor. It is not just a part of history—it is a part of my family. Seven of my great-grandmother’s children died in the genocide. I have heard stories from my grandmother many times about how they demolished the floor of the house, dug up the gardens, and even patted them down in search of a few grains. My family doesn’t throw away food, because we remember how our relatives once lacked it. 

In New York State, students are not required to study the Holodomor, unlike the Holocaust; in my school, we also study the Rwandan genocide. The Holocaust took the lives of six million Jews over four years. It’s the largest genocide in history, and it’s important that we learn about it to understand what genocide means. But it’s also essential that we study other genocides, like the Holodomor.

The genocide in Ukraine has been officially recognized by 34 countries, including the United States. So why isn’t it required in our curriculum? One reason is that the Soviet Union covered up the truth for decades. The world looked away—perhaps because the victims were just “peasants,” or perhaps because other countries continued to buy cheap Soviet grain selected from Ukraine. Today, as Russia commits yet another genocide against Ukrainians, we no longer have an excuse to ignore it. This shows a lasting problem: Nearly 100 years ago, Russia tried to destroy ethnic Ukrainians, and now, ninety years later, they’re doing it again. They did not change their stance; maybe they will not stop after this. 

Some may argue that comparing tragedies is unfair. But recognizing one genocide does not mean forgetting another. In fact, studying the Holodomor helps us understand how governments can destroy populations not only with weapons, but by controlling food, borders, and the truth itself — and how easy it is to do under a communist regime. 

If we only teach about well-known tragedies, we leave room for others to be forgotten or repeated. Silence around the Holodomor is not just an oversight. It is a danger.

References:

https://cla.umn.edu/chgs/holocaust-genocide-education/resource-guides/holodomor 

https://www.nysed.gov/sites/default/files/sscore2.pdf